Thank you, Senator Inhofe.  Admiral Harris, thank you for being here to testify on behalf of yourself and General Brooks.  It is unfortunate that General Brooks is unable to join us, but we appreciate the operational needs on the Korean peninsula.  I also believe it is the Committee’s expectation that General Brooks will testify before us as soon as it is feasible for him to visit Washington.

In Asia we are faced with two very different problem sets that will both require long-term, integrated whole-of-government strategies.  I am concerned that this Administration has not developed a comprehensive strategy for the threat posed by North Korea or our long-term competition with China.  Both problem sets are interdependent – for example, I firmly believe that if we preemptively attack North Korea we will forfeit any ability to prevail in our long-term competition with China.  And if we mishandle that competition, we will be poorly positioned to put the type of pressure on North Korea that is necessary to deter and contain the threat that regime poses to the United States and our allies in the region. 

With regard to North Korea, the recent announcement that President Trump will be meeting with Kim Jong-un has led to cautious optimism about a path to a resolution in this crisis.  Success in the proposed talks will require consistent strategic messaging, close coordination with our partners and China, and increased diplomatic capacity and empowerment for the experts at the State Department.  I am concerned that some of the critical players necessary for effective negotiation are not in places since we are still lacking an ambassador for South Korea, the Secretary of State is in transition, and the top diplomat who had the most experience with the North Koreans recently resigned.  Additionally, there should be significant pre-negotiations with the Republic of Korea, Japan, and China to make sure that we are presenting a comprehensive position that has buy-in from all of the relevant stakeholders.  I am concerned that there is a very short window of time for all of this work to take place. 

We should all be realistic about the prospects for negotiations.  Given North Korea’s all-consuming drive for strategic nuclear capabilities, and its history of failing to adhere to negotiated agreements, we can all agree that the likelihood of either near-term or long-term success for the talks is low.  And even in the event that North Korea agrees to verifiable denuclearization on terms that we can accept, there is a strong likelihood that a long-term deterrence and containment strategy will likely need to be in place for decades to come.  And finally, it is critical that, if negotiations are not successful, the administration does not pivot to preparing for a preemptive war with North Korea.  I believe there is growing agreement that war is not an acceptable alternative to sustaining pressure on North Korea, preventing proliferation, and deterring aggression.  The talks should be seen as an opportunity to curtail the regime’s nuclear and missile programs while still maintaining the maximum pressure campaign.  Admiral Harris, I am looking forward to hearing your views on this latest development and the implications for U.S. national security and the security of our allies in the Pacific region. 

China is the largest economic, military, and global competitor that we face.  It is critical that this administration develop a comprehensive strategy that focuses on all of these areas of competition.  First and foremost, the U.S. needs a better global messaging campaign to counter Chinese influence in the region.  For years, China has been circulating a narrative that the West is in decline and that the economic future lies with China.  Our consistent response must be that we are committed to the Asia Pacific region, that we will stand with our allies and partners to counter Chinese aggression, and that we will continue to promote a shared vision of strong economies, vibrant civil societies and open democracies.  In the end, it is that vision and the human rights that we champion that will ensure American success in the region. 

China has not demonstrated a willingness to be a responsible global leader.   The U.S. should ensure that international law is followed.  Our contention with China is not over who owns the South China Sea, but over who has access to it.  To that end, we must enable and assist our partners and allies in the region, especially Indonesia, Thailand, Vietnam and Singapore, in defending their own sovereignty and maritime rights and providing them with economic alternatives to China. 

China is using accumulated wealth and productive capacities to target key companies and entire industrial sectors in the United States to gain economic dominance.  Even wise tax, regulatory, and trade policies would not be sufficient to overcome this mercantilist strategy.  We must invest more in research and development, workforce development and training, and correct lagging private investment in American manufacturing. We must also improve our own defenses against the theft of our intellectual property and technology.  Only recently have we come to fully understand some of our own vulnerabilities.

Admiral Harris, I am looking forward to hearing your testimony and how you view our long- term competition with China as the Commander of Pacific Command.  I am also interested in hearing about how we can continue to cooperate with the Chinese military in areas of agreement to reduce tensions and prevent miscalculations.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.